CEDH · CASELAW;JUDGMENTS;GRANDCHAMBER;ENG — 22 décembre 2020

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text-align:center; page-break-after:avoid; font-size:10pt } .s76CF415B { page-break-before:always; clear:both } .s1721E4C5 { margin-top:14pt; margin-bottom:12pt; text-align:center; page-break-inside:avoid; page-break-after:avoid; font-size:14pt } .s33165EBA { font-family:Arial; font-size:8pt; vertical-align:super; color:#0069d6 } .sB853CD25 { font-family:Arial; font-size:9pt } .sC36A6361 { font-family:Arial; color:#000000 } .s66E9FC38 { font-family:Arial; font-size:8pt; vertical-align:super; color:#000000 } .sF6A12959 { width:33%; height:1px; text-align:left } .s85226119 { margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; text-align:justify; font-size:10pt } GRAND CHAMBER CASE OF SELAHATTİN DEMİRTAŞ v. TURKEY (No. 2) (Application no. 14305/17)   JUDGMENT   Art 10 • Freedom of expression • Unforeseeable lifting member of parliament’s immunity and pre-trial detention on terrorist charges for political speeches • Failure of domestic authorities to examine whether speeches were protected by parliamentary non-liability • Misuse of the constitutional amendment procedure targeting opposition • Interpretation and application of terrorism offences so broad as to not afford adequate protection against arbitrary interferences Art 3 P1 • Free expression of the opinion of the people • Stand for election • Member of parliament excluded from parliamentary proceedings as a result of his prolonged pre-trial detention without sufficient justification • Art 3 P1 encompassing right to sit as a member of parliament once elected • Detention of a member of parliament incompatible with Art 10 entailing a breach of Art 3 P1 • Domestic courts’ failure to balance all relevant interests, and to determine whether charges had a political basis • No exploration of alternative measures to detention Art 18 (+ Art 5) • Restrictions for unauthorised purposes • Pre-trial detention pursuing the ulterior motive of stifling pluralism and limiting freedom of political debate Art 5 § 1 • Art 5 § 3 • Lack of reasonable suspicion of applicant having committed an offence and lack of reasonableness of pre-trial detention • Compensation claim under Article 141 § 1 (a) and (d) of the Code of Criminal Procedure not an effective remedy for such complaints Art 5 § 4 • Speediness of review • Review of application taking thirteen months before the Constitutional Court not a violation in the specific circumstances of the case, particularly the court’s exceptional caseload during state of emergency   STRASBOURG 22 December 2020   This judgment is final but it may be subject to editorial revision. In the case of Selahattin Demirtaş v. Turkey (no. 2), The European Court of Human Rights, sitting as a Grand Chamber composed of:   Ksenija Turković, President ,   Linos-Alexandre Sicilianos,   Yonko Grozev,   Vincent A. De Gaetano,   Helen Keller,   Aleš Pejchal,   Krzysztof Wojtyczek,   Mārtiņš Mits,   Gabriele Kucsko-Stadlmayer,   Alena Poláčková,   Pauliine Koskelo,   Tim Eicke,   Péter Paczolay,   Lado Chanturia,   Gilberto Felici,   Erik Wennerström,   Saadet Yüksel, judges , and Johan Callewaert, Deputy Grand Chamber Registrar , Having deliberated in private on 18 September 2019 and 12   November 2020, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on the last-mentioned date: PROCEDURE 1.     The case originated in an application (no. 14305/17) against the Republic of Turkey lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by a Turkish national, Mr Selahattin Demirtaş (“the applicant”), on 20 February 2017. 2.     The applicant was represented by Mr M. Karaman, Ms A. Demirtaş Gökalp, Ms   B. Molu, Mr   R. Demir and Mr   K. Altıparmak, lawyers practising in Diyarbakır, in Istanbul and in Ankara. The Turkish Government (“the Government”) were represented by their Agent. 3.     The applicant alleged, in particular, that his pre-trial detention had breached Articles 5, 10 and 18 of the Convention and Article 3 of Protocol   No.   1 to the Convention. 4.     On 29   June 2017 the Government were given notice of the application. 5.     A Chamber of the Second Section, composed of Robert Spano, President, Ledi Bianku, Işıl Karakaş, Paul Lemmens, Valeriu Griţco, Jon   Fridrik   Kjølbro, Ivana Jelić, judges, and also of Stanley Naismith, Section Registrar, delivered a judgment on 20 November 2018. It unanimously declared admissible the applicant’s complaints concerning Article   5 § 1 (as to the alleged lack of reasonable suspicion), Article 5 §   3, Article   5 § 4 (as to the alleged lack of a speedy review before the Constitutional Court) and Article 18 of the Convention and Article 3 of Protocol   No.   1. It declared further complaints under Article 5 §   1 inadmissible by a majority, and under Article 5 § 4 inadmissible unanimously. The Chamber found, unanimously, that there had been no violation of Article 5 § 1 and of Article 5 § 4 of the Convention and that there had been a violation of Article 5 § 3 of the Convention and of Article   3 of Protocol No. 1. It held by six votes to one that there had been a violation of Article 18 of the Convention in conjunction with Article 5 §   3. It also found, unanimously, that there was no need to examine separately the admissibility and merits of the applicant’s complaint under Article 10 of the Convention. Lastly, the Chamber held, unanimously, that the respondent State had not failed to comply with its obligations under Article 34 of the Convention and that it was to take all necessary measures to put an end to the applicant’s pre-trial detention. The partly dissenting opinion of Judge Karakaş was annexed to the judgment. 6.     On 19 February 2019 both the Government and the applicant requested that the case be referred to the Grand Chamber in accordance with Article   43 of the Convention, and the panel of the Grand Chamber accepted the requests on 18 March 2019. 7.     The composition of the Grand Chamber was determined according to the provisions of Article 26 §§ 4 and 5 of the Convention and Rule 24 of the Rules of Court. During the second deliberations, Vincent A. De Gaetano, whose term of office had expired in the course of the proceedings, continued to deal with the case (Article 23 § 3 of the Convention and Rule   24 § 4). Ksenija Turković succeeded Linos-Alexandre Sicilianos as President of the Grand Chamber (Rules 10 and 11). In addition, Pauliine   Koskelo, Yonko Grozev, Péter Paczolay and Lado   Chanturia replaced Angelika Nußberger, André Potocki, Armen Harutyunyan and Egidijus   Kūris, who were unable to take part in the further consideration of the case (Rule 24 §   3). 8.     The applicant and the Government each filed observations on the admissibility and merits of the case. 9.     The Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights (“the Commissioner for Human Rights”) exercised her right to intervene in the proceedings and submitted written comments (Article 36 § 3 of the Convention and Rule 44 §   2). 10.     The Section President had given leave to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and to two non-governmental organisations acting jointly, Article   19 and Human Rights Watch (“the intervening NGOs”), to intervene under Article 36 § 2 of the Convention and Rule 44 § 3, and their written comments were included in the file. 11.     The Government and the applicant each replied to the intervening parties’ comments. 12.     A hearing took place in public in the Human Rights Building, Strasbourg, on 18 September 2019. There appeared before the Court: (a)     for the Government Mr   Hacı Ali Açıkgül ,   co-Agent , Ms   Betül Nas Gülol , Mr   Mehmet Ali Tuncer ,   judge rapporteurs , Mr   İbrahim Hakkı Beyazit , Mr   Abdulhaluk Kurnaz , Mr   Stefan Talmon ,   Advisers ; (b)     for the applicant Mr   Mahsuni Karaman , Ms   Benan Molu , Mr   Kerem Altıparmak , Mr   Ramazan Demir ,   Counsel , Ms   Başak Çalı , Ms   Aygül Demirtaş Gökalp ,   Advisers ; (c)     for the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights Ms   Dunja Mijatović , Commissioner for Human Rights , Mr   Giancarlo Cardinale , Deputy to the Director, Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr   Hasan Bermek , adviser to the Commissioner .   The Court heard addresses by Ms Çalı, Mr Altıparmak, Mr   Demir, Ms   Molu, Mr Açıkgül, Mr Talmon and Ms Mijatović, and the replies by Ms   Çalı, Mr Altıparmak and Mr Talmon to questions put by the judges. 13.     On various dates between 19 November 2019 and 14 July 2020, the Government and the applicant submitted additional observations. THE FACTS 14.     The applicant was born in 1973. On the date of lodging his application, he was detained in Edirne. The applicant’s political career 15.     At the material time, the applicant was one of the co-chairs of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), a left-wing pro-Kurdish political party. From 22 July 2007 onwards he was a member of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (“the National Assembly”). Following the parliamentary elections on 1 November 2015, he was re-elected as a member of the National Assembly for the HDP and held office until the parliamentary elections on 24   June 2018, in which he did not stand as a candidate. 16.     In the presidential election of 10 August 2014 the applicant received 9.76% of the vote. He also stood in the presidential election on 24   June 2018 and obtained 8.32% of the vote. Events of 6-8 October 2014 17.     In September and October 2014, members of the armed terrorist organisation Daesh (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) launched an offensive on the Syrian town of Kobani ( Ayn al-Arab in Arabic), some 15   km from the Turkish border town of Suruç. Armed clashes took place between Daesh forces and the YPG (People’s Protection Units, founded in Syria and regarded as a terrorist organisation by Turkey on account of its links with the PKK (Workers’ Party of Kurdistan, an armed terrorist organisation)). 18 .     Following the outbreak of the clashes in Syria, the Turkish government opened the country’s borders to thousands of refugees, the majority of whom were Kurdish women, children and elderly people who had gathered at the Turkish/Syrian border. However, it closed the same border in the direction of Syria in order to prevent volunteers from leaving to fight in Kobani. From 2 October 2014 onwards, a large number of demonstrations were held in Turkey and several non-governmental organisations at local and international level published statements calling for international solidarity with Kobani against the siege by Daesh. In particular, they urged the government to allow fighters to pass through to Syria. 19.     On 5 October 2014 a tweet was posted on a Twitter account apparently controlled by one of the PKK leaders, reading as follows: “We call upon all the young people, women and everyone from 7 to 70 to stand up for Kobani, to protect our honour and dignity and to occupy the metropolitan areas.” (“ Gençleri kadınları 7’den 70’e herkesi Kobane’ye sahip çıkmaya onurumuzu namusumuzu korumaya metropolleri işgal etmeye çağırıyoruz. ”) 20 .     On 6 October 2014 the following three tweets were posted on the official HDP Twitter account, @HDPgenelmerkezi: – “Urgent call to our people! Urgent call to our people from the HDP central executive board, currently in session! The situation in Kobani is extremely dangerous. We urge our people to join and support those protesting in the streets against Daesh attacks and the AKP [Justice and Development Party] government’s embargo over Kobani.” (“ Halklarımıza acil çağrı! Şuanda toplantı halinde olan HDP MYK’dan halklarımıza acil çağrı! Kobane’de duruş son derece kritiktir. IŞİD saldırılarını ve AKP iktidarının Kobané’ye ambargo tutumunu protesto etmek üzere halklarımızı sokağa çıkmaya ve sokağa çıkmış olanlara destek vermeye çağırıyoruz .”) –   “We call upon all our people, from 7 to 70, to [go out into] the streets, to [occupy] the streets and to take action against the attempted massacre in Kobani.” (“ Kobané’de yaşanan katliam girişimine karşı 7 den 70 e bütün halklarımızı sokağa, alan tutmaya ve harekete geçmeye çağırıyoruz .”) –   “From now on, everywhere is Kobani. We call for permanent resistance until the end of the siege and brutal aggression in Kobani.” (“ Bundan böyle her yer Kobane’dir . Kobane’deki kuşatma ve vahşi saldırganlık son bulana kadar süresiz direnişe çağırıyoruz .”) 21.     On the same day, a statement from an organisation known as the KCK ( Koma Civakên Kurdistan – “Kurdistan Communities Union”), regarded by the Court of Cassation as a terrorist organisation and the “urban wing” of the PKK, was published on the website www.firatnews.com. The statement read as follows: “The wave of revolution that started in Kobani must spread throughout Kurdistan, and on that basis we call for an uprising by the Kurdish youth ... All those among our people who can make it to Suruç must go there immediately without wasting a second, and every inch of Kurdistan must rise up for Kobani ... We call upon all our people, from 7 to 70, to make life unbearable for Daesh and their collaborators the AKP wherever they are, and to take a stand against these gangs [responsible for] massacres by fostering rebellion [ Serhildan in Kurdish] up to the highest level.” (“ Kobani ile başlayan devrim dalgası tüm Kürdistan’a yayılmalı ve Bu temelde Kürt gençliğinin ayaklanması çağrısında bulunuyoruz... Bütün halkımız Suruç’a gidebilecekler hemen bir saniye zaman kaybetmeden gitmeli ve Kürdistan’ın her karış toprağı Kobanê için ayağa kalkmalıdır... Tüm halkımızı yediden yetmişe bulunduğu her yerde yaşamı IŞİD ve işbirlikçisi AKP’ye dar etmeye ve serhıldanı en üst düzeyde geliştirerek bu katliamcı çetelere karşı durmaya çağırıyoruz .”) 22.     On 7 October 2014 the following statement by the KCK Executive Council was published on the same website: “Our people must carry on the resistance they have started against this terrible and insidious massacre, by spreading it everywhere and at all times. Our people in the North [in the region of south-eastern Turkey] must give the Daesh gangs and their supporters no chance of survival. All the streets must be turned into the streets of Kobani and the strength and organisation of this historic and unique resistance must be developed further. From now on, millions of people must take to the streets and the crowds must flood to the border. All Kurds and all honourable people, friends and groups who are sympathetic [to our cause] must take action. Now is the time to develop and amplify the act of resistance. On this basis, we call upon our people, all groups that are sympathetic [to our cause] and our friends to embrace and amplify the Kobani resistance and we call upon all young people, particularly the Kurdish youth, to join the ranks of freedom in Kobani and to intensify the resistance.” (“ Halkımız bu çirkin ve sinsi katliam karşısında başlattığı mücadeleyi her yere, her zamana taşıyarak süreklileştirmelidir. Kuzey halkımız İŞİD çetelerine, uzantılarına ve destekçilerine hiçbir yerde yaşam şansı tanımamalıdır. Tüm sokaklar Kobani sokaklarına dönüştürülmeli, tarihin bu eşsiz direnişine denk bir direniş gücü ve örgütlülüğü geliştirilmelidir. Bu saatten itibaren milyonlar sokaklara akmalı, sınır insan seline dönüşmelidir. Her Kürt ve onurlu her insan, dostlar, duyarlı kesimler bu andan itibaren eyleme geçmelidir. An direniş eylemini geliştirme ve büyütme anıdır. Bu temelde tüm halkımızı, duyarlı kesimleri, dostlarımızı Kobani direnişini sahiplenerek büyümeye, başta Kürt gençleri olmak üzere tüm gençleri Kobani de özgürlük saflarına katılarak direnişi yükseltmeye çağırıyoruz. ”) 23 .     From 6 October 2014 onwards, demonstrations (see paragraph   18 above) became violent. Clashes took place between different groups, and the security forces intervened forcibly. Following the escalation of violence, the governors of a number of towns imposed curfews on unspecified dates. 24 .     In two statements made on 7 and 9 October 2014 the applicant emphasised that he was opposed to the use of violence during the demonstrations. He stated that his party was prepared to cooperate with the government but that the latter first needed to identify the agitators behind the violence. 25 .     According to the figures mentioned in the Constitutional Court’s judgment of 21 December 2017 (no. 2016/25189) on an individual application by the applicant, the violence on 6 and 8   October 2014 caused the death of fifty people and injured a further 772, including 331   members of the security forces. No fewer than 1,881 vehicles and 2,558   buildings, including hospitals and schools, suffered damage. In the course of the subsequent criminal investigations by the competent prosecuting authorities, 4,291   people were arrested and 1,105 of them were placed in pre-trial detention (see paragraph 30 of the Constitutional Court’s judgment). According to the public prosecutors, the acts of violence had been prompted by calls posted on the HDP Twitter account (see paragraph 20 above). 26 .     On 9 October 2014 the applicant gave a speech at the HDP offices in Diyarbakır. The relevant parts of the speech read as follows: “We issued the calls in question [the tweets posted on the HDP Twitter account] because we had found out that Daesh had reached the border at Mürşitpınar. People went out into the streets and there was no violence anywhere. We did not tell anyone to resort to violence. We called for political struggle. What aggravated the violence was not the call issued by the HDP, or the demonstrations by the people. It is the government’s responsibility to find those who provoked [the demonstrations]. There should be no acts of violence. There is no need for intervention in demonstrations [held] in support of Kobani ...” (“ DAEŞ örgütünün Mürşitpınar sınır kapısına dayandığını öğrendiğimiz için bahsi geçen çağrıları yaptık, insanlar sokağa çıktı hiçbir yerde şiddet kullanılmadı. Şiddet kullanılsın demedik. Siyasi mücadele amaçlı bir çağrı yaptık. Şiddeti büyüten HDP’nin çağrısı değil, halkın gösterileri değil. Tahrik edenleri bulmak hükümetin görevidir. Şiddet eylemleri olmamalı. Kobane’yi sahiplenme eylemlerine müdahale edilmemeli ... ”) 27 .     In an interview published on 13 October 2014 in the daily newspaper Evrensel , the applicant was quoted as follows: “It is directly linked to Kobani. It is not for us to calm down the anger. We do not have so much influence over the people, nor is it necessary. We believe that the practical measures the government could take to drive Daesh out of Kobani will end this anger. Of course, I am not talking about acts of violence. We have not encouraged acts of violence such as the use of weapons, arson, destruction [and] robbery. We have not incited or organised [such acts]. But we have called for the people’s anger to be channelled into an ongoing protest, day and night, everywhere, on the squares, in homes, in the streets, in cars. We still stand behind that call.” (“ Doğrudan Kobaniyle bağlantılıdır. Öfkeyi yatıştırabilecek olan biz değiliz. Bizim halk üzerinde ne böyle bir gücümüz vardır ne de buna gerek vardır. Yani halk IŞİD’e karşı durmasın sempati duysun diye uğraşacak değiliz. Biz hükümetin atacağı pratik adımların IŞİD’in Kobani’den püskürtülmesiyle sonuçlanmasının bu öfkeyi durduracağını düşünüyoruz. Elbette ki bundan kastettiğim şiddet olayları değil. Biz silah kullanma, yakıp yıkma, yapmalama gibi şiddet eylemlerini teşvik etmedik, tahrik etmedik, örgütlemedik ama halkın öfkesinin alanlarda, meydanlarda, gece gündüz evinde, sokakta, arabasında elindeki bütün imkanlarla bir protestoya dönüşmesinin çağrısını yaptık. O çağrının da halen arkasındayız .”) The “solution process” and its end 28 .     On 11 October 2011 the applicant, who at the time was co-chair of the Peace and Democracy Party ((BDP), a left-wing pro-Kurdish political party), gave a speech at a meeting of his party’s parliamentary group. The relevant parts of the speech read as follows: “He [Abdullah Öcalan] is not a person being detained in İmralı, he is the future of Turkey as far as freedom and peace are concerned. For that reason, the government should move him to house arrest as soon as possible. This is a serious proposal. Look, for years we said ‘go to İmralı and meet [him]’, [and] you attacked [us], you insulted [us], you said ‘is that possible?’ Yet you went there and met [him]. You did well. You stopped the bloodshed after years; you managed [to agree] a ceasefire. Is that a bad thing? Who knows how many lives have been saved, how many young people have been saved, how many mothers have been spared suffering? Our proposal was appropriate [and] correct, we insisted and it became a reality. Now, Turkey must also discuss our current proposal, in a common-sense, rational manner. We are showing the right, rational, realistic path which we know [and] believe in. No other path leads to the solution [of the Kurdish question]. By planting flags, trying to plant flags here and there, you will only cause bloodshed, you will only put off the question for decades, you will only amplify the question. If you try to lynch those who show you rational paths, there will be no one to talk to and negotiate with. This lynching attitude towards us, this insulting approach to our proposals is the most serious and problematic behaviour that is obstructing the solution to the question. We have to discuss openly, what is wrong with house arrest? Is there a Kurdish question in this case? Yes. Are we faced with a historical question that we inherited from the Ottoman [Empire]? Yes. Do we have to solve this question? Yes. Has this question led to twenty-nine uprisings? Yes. What is the latest uprising? Who is its leader? Abdullah Öcalan. Where is he? In İmralı.” (“ İmralı’da tutulan bir şahıs değildir, Türkiye’nin özgürlüğe, barışa dair geleceğidir. O nedenle ev hapsini kısa vadede hemen uygulamaya koymalıdır hükümet, bu öneri ciddi bir öneridir. Bakın yıllarca, "gidin İmralı’da görüşme yapın" dedik, saldırdınız, hakaretler ettiniz "böyle şey mi olur" dediniz. Bunu söylerken bile gidip görüştünüz. İyi de yaptınız. Görüştüğünüz yıllarda akan kanı durdurdunuz, ateşkesleri sağladınız. Fena mı oldu? Kim bilir kaç bin insanın canı kurtuldu, kaç bin gencin canı kurtuldu, kaç bin ananın acısını önlediniz fena mı oldu? Önerimiz yerindeydi, doğruydu, ısrar ettik gerçekleşti. Şimdi bu yaptığımız öneriyi de sağduyuyla sağlıklı, akılcı bir şekilde Türkiye tartışmak durumundadır. Bildiğimiz, inandığımız, doğru, akılcı, gerçekçi yolu gösteriyoruz. Bunun dışındaki hiçbir yol çözüm yolu değildir. Şuraya buraya bayrak dikmekle, bayrak dikmeye çalışmakla sadece kan dökersiniz, sadece sorunu on yıllarca ertelersiniz, sorunu büyütürsünüz. Ama akılcı yolları gösterenleri linç etmeye çalışırsanız ortada görüşebileceğiniz, ortada konuşabileceğiniz hiç kimse kalmayacaktır. Bize yönelik bu linç tutumu, bizim önerilerimize karşı bu hakaretvari yaklaşım çözümün önünü tıkayan en ciddi, en sıkıntılı anlayıştır. Açıkça tartışılsın, ev hapsinin neyi yanlıştır? Ortada bir Kürt sorunu var mı   ? Var. Osmanlı’dan devraldığımız tarihi bir sorunla karşı karşıya mıyız   ? Evet. Bu sorunu çözmek zorunda mıyız   ? Evet. Bu sorun 29 isyana konu olmuş mu   ? Evet. Son isyan hangisi   ? Bu isyan, bu isyanın lideri kim   ? Abdullah Öcalan. O nerede   ? İmralı’da .”) 29.     Towards the end of 2012, a peace process known as the “solution process” was initiated with a view to finding a lasting, peaceful solution to the Kurdish question. A series of reforms aimed at improving the protection of human rights in Turkey were implemented. A delegation of members of parliament, including the applicant, made several visits to İmralı island, the site of the prison holding Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the PKK, who had been convicted in 1999 of carrying out acts designed to bring about the secession of part of Turkey’s territory and forming and leading a terrorist organisation for that purpose, and who had also called in 2013 for an end to the armed struggle. On 28 February 2015 the delegation, together with the then Deputy Prime Minister, presented the “Dolmabahçe consensus”, a ten-point reconciliation declaration. The then Prime Minister stated that the consensus meant that significant steps were being taken towards halting terrorist activities in Turkey. However, shortly after the announcement, the President of Turkey said that it was out of the question that the government would reach an agreement with a terrorist organisation. That statement appears to have marked the end of the consensus. Subsequently, several weeks before the parliamentary elections of 7 June 2015, the Deputy Prime Minister made the following statement to the press: “If the HDP exceeds the threshold [for representation in Parliament] and the AKP government loses power, there will be no solution process.” 30.     On 5 June 2015 a terrorist attack apparently carried out by Daesh caused the death of two people in Diyarbakır following two explosions of unknown origin at the HDP’s final election rally. More than 100 other people were injured in the blasts. 31.     Parliamentary elections were held on 7 June 2015, and for the first time a pro-Kurdish party passed the threshold for representation in the National Assembly. The HDP received 13.12% of the vote and became the second-largest opposition party. In addition, the AKP lost its majority in Parliament for the first time since 2002. 32.     On 20 July 2015 a terrorist attack apparently carried out by Daesh took place in Suruç, leaving thirty-four people dead and more than 100   others injured. 33.     On 22 July 2015, in another terrorist attack, two police officers were murdered at their homes in Ceylanpınar, allegedly by PKK members. The perpetrators of the murders, which resulted de facto in the end of the “solution process”, have yet to be identified. 34.     The day after that attack, armed clashes resumed between the security forces and the PKK. The PKK’s leaders urged the people to arm themselves and to build underground systems and tunnels that could be used during armed clashes. They also called for the proclamation of a political system of self-governance. In addition, they announced that all civil servants in the region would now be considered accomplices of the AKP and as a result would risk being targeted. 35.     On 28 July 2015 the President of Turkey gave a statement to the press insisting that the HDP leaders would have to “pay the price” for the acts of terrorism. The relevant part of the statement reads as follows: “I do not approve of dissolving political parties. But I say that the leaders of that party [the HDP] must pay the price. Personally and individually.” (“ Ben parti kapatılması olayını doğru bulmuyorum. Fakat bu partinin yöneticilerinin bu işin bedelini ödemeleri gerekir diyorum. Fert fert, birey birey. ”) 36 .     On the same day, the applicant gave a speech at a meeting of his party’s parliamentary group, stating the following: “We will not allow the murder of anyone who is in the mountains [image used to refer to PKK members], or in the army, or in the police; we will not view that as normal. They must not pay the price. We have taken the reins of power from our people to pay the price; they voted for us for that purpose. We are ready to pay any price, but those who fight us and those who are hostile to us should be as brave as we are. Otherwise, they will lose, they will lose. We will all see this together. They will be defeated by this resistance. The feeling of peace in Turkey will triumph. The free future of Turkey will triumph, provided that we do not forget the HDP principle that we united around.” (“ Biz, ne dağdakinin, ne askerdekinin, ne polisin öldürülmesine izin vermeyeceğiz, hiçbirini normal karşılamayacağız. Onlar bedel ödemesin. Biz bedel ödemek için halkımızdan yetki aldık, bize bunun için oy verdiler. Ne bedel ödenecekse, biz hazırız. Ama   bizimle mücadele edenler de, bize düşmanlık yapanlar da en az bizim kadar cesur olmalılar. Yoksa kaybederler, kaybedecekler. Bunu hep birlikte göreceğiz. Onlar bu direniş karşısında yenilecekler. Türkiye’nin barış duygusu kazanacak. Türkiye’nin özgür yarınları, özgür geleceği kazanacak. Yeter ki, nasıl bir HDP ilkesi etrafında birleştiğimizi tek bir dakika bile unutmayalım .”) 37.     Between 10 and 19 August 2015 self-governance was proclaimed in nineteen different towns in Turkey, the vast majority of them in the south-eastern region. 38.     Members of the YDG-H (Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement), regarded as the PKK’s youth wing, dug trenches and put up barricades in several towns in eastern and south-eastern Turkey, including Cizre, Silopi, Sur, İdil and Nusaybin, to prevent the security forces from entering. According to the security forces, members of the YDG-H had brought a large number of weapons and explosives into the region. 39.     In August 2015, local governors imposed curfews in various towns in south-eastern Turkey. The stated aim of such measures was to clear the trenches that had been dug by members of terrorist organisations, to remove any explosives planted there, and to protect civilians from acts of violence. The security forces carried out operations in the areas where the curfew was in place, using heavy weapons. 40.     On 19 August 2015 eight soldiers were killed in a terrorist attack in Siirt carried out by members of the PKK. 41.     On 6 and 8 September 2015, sixteen soldiers and thirteen police officers were killed in two terrorist attacks carried out by the PKK. 42.     Following the imposition of a curfew in Sur, the applicant gave a statement to the press in Lice on 13 September 2015. He stated: “Our people want self-governance, their own assemblies and municipalities where responsibility lies with elected officials rather than appointees. Our people have the power to resist against pressure and massacre policies everywhere. We have the power to protect ourselves against any attack. We will show that we are not despairing; we will resist together; we will achieve salvation without forgetting our motherland and our history and by defending our rights.” (“ Halkımız atananların değil seçilmişlerin yetkili olduğu kendi meclisleri ile belediye ile kendini yönetmek istiyor. Halkımız her yerde baskı politikalarına katliam politikalarına karşı direnebilecek güçtedir. Bütün saldırılara karşı kendimizi koruyacak gücümüz var. Çaresiz olmadığımızı gösteriyoruz, birlikte direneceğiz, kendi ana vatanımızı da tarihimizi de unutmadan haklarımızı da savunarak hep birlikte kurtuluşa gideceğiz. ”) 43.     On 10 October 2015 a terrorist attack, generally considered to have been the deadliest one ever committed in the history of Turkey, was carried out by Daesh in Ankara. More than 100 people were killed and more than 500   others injured. Most of the victims were demonstrators who had answered the call of several non-governmental organisations, including the HDP, to express their discontent at the surge of violence in Turkey. 44.     Following the failure of negotiations aimed at forming a coalition government, early elections were held on 1   November 2015, in which the HDP polled 10.76% of the vote. The AKP won the elections and regained its majority in the National Assembly. 45.     In a statement to the press on 18 December 2015 the applicant stated: “Everywhere you carry out [security] operations is filled with an atmosphere of enthusiasm rather than fear and panic. Do you know why? [Because] these people are absolutely certain that they will triumph from the very first day. They are the defenders of an honourable, noble and dignified cause. We will not let cruelty and fascism win any more; this resistance will triumph. Those who try to downplay it by calling it [resistance of] ditches and holes should look back at history. There are tens of millions of heroes and brave people resisting against this coup. You are waging a war against the people. The people are resisting and will resist everywhere. Next week, on 26 and 27 December, we will attend the extraordinary meeting of the Democratic Society Congress [DTK] in Diyarbakır. We will have intensive discussions and take important decisions concerning the processes of self-governance and autonomy and their operation in the political arena. We will implement them all.” (“ Bugün operasyon yaptığınız her yerde korku ve panik havası değil coşku havası hakim. Neden biliyor musunuz ? O insanlar daha ilk günden kazandıklarından o kadar eminler ki. Onurlu, şerefli, haysiyetki bir davanın savunucularıdır. Bir kez daha zulmün, faşizmin kazanmasına izin vermeyeceğiz, bu direniş kazanacaktır. Öyle hendek, çukur diye küçümsemeye çalışanlar da dönüp tarihe baksınlar. On milyonlarca kahraman, yiğit bu darbeye karşı direnen insan var. Sen halka karşı savaş açmışsın. Halk her yerde direnir, direnecektir. Önümüzdeki haftasonu 26-27 Aralık’ta Diyarbakır’da Demokratik Toplum Kongresi’nin olağanüstü kongresine bizler de katılacağız. Öz yönetimin, özerkliğin inşası ve içinin doldurulması sürecinn siyasi zeminde daha güçlü yönetilmesi için çok yoğun tartışmalar yapacağız, önemli kararlar alacağız. Bunların hepsini hayata geçireceğiz. ”) 46 .     On 22 December 2015, in a statement to the National Assembly, the applicant said the following: “Look at Sarajevo. For four years Sarajevo was under siege, four years. Neighbourhood by neighbourhood, [there was a] blockade. The people who are now enthusiastically praised as heroes – what did they do against policies of massacre and genocide? They dug trenches, put up barricades, hung up curtains so the snipers did not kill them, dug tunnels to escape the siege and tried to set up an underground transport system to find food and water. Today, Davutoğlu is imposing the same thing on the districts of his own country. If the military operations end, the police operations stop, the curfews are lifted, if the government says ‘What is self-governance? What is autonomy? Let’s go and listen’, what does the government have to lose?” (“ Saraybosna’ya bakın. 4 yıl boyunca Saraybosna’da bir kuşatma yaşandı, 4 yıl. Mahalle mahalle ablukaya aldılar. Ne yaptı oradaki insanlar? Bugün övgüyle, coşkuyla, kahramanlık öyküsüyle anlattığımız Saraybosna’da o katliam, soykırım politikalarına karşı ne yaptı insanlar; hendek kazdılar, barikat kurdular, perde astılar keskin nişancılar vurmasın diye, yeraltına tüneller kazdılar ablukayı kırmak için, kendilerine yemek ve su bulabilmek için yeraltından ulaşım sağlamaya çalıştılar. Aynı şeyi bugün Davutoğlu kendi ülkesinde ilçelere dayatıyor. Askeri operasyonlar son bulsa, polis operasyonları son bulsa, şu sokağa çıkma yasakları kaldırılsa, «   özyönetim nedir, özerklik nedir, bunu bir dinleyelim, gelin, müzakere edelim   » dese bir hükümet, ne kaybedecek ? ”) 47.     On 26 December 2015 the applicant attended the extraordinary meeting of the DTK. He gave a speech in which he defended self-governance and the resistance. He stated that barricades had been put up and trenches dug to thwart the Ankara authorities’ plans for a massacre. The DTK’s closing declaration included a call for the creation of autonomous regions. 48.     On 29 December 2015 the President of Turkey stated to the press that the applicant’s speeches amounted to “clear provocation and treason”. 49 .     In a statement to the press on 2 January 2016, the President of Turkey said the following: “The statements by the two co-chairs clearly amount to crimes against the Constitution. They are both currently the subject of proceedings initiated by public prosecutors. These matters deserve to be followed up. Closing down the party should not even be on the agenda. But there may be members of parliament, mayors or other people who have committed offences. They must pay for it. The investigations initiated by the Diyarbakır and Ankara chief public prosecutors should also be seen against this background. I believe that the process that will start with the lifting of [parliamentary] immunity will also have a positive impact on the atmosphere in our country in terms of combating terrorism. We cannot accept messages intended to divide the country. We can never accept a State within the State. We must take steps by providing the necessary responses to these problems, by applying sanctions and by setting the judicial [authorities] in motion. There are over 160 files with the National Assembly. When they have been examined, [their contents] will be laid on the table and steps will be taken accordingly.” (“ İki eşbaşkanın yaptığı açıklamalar kesinlikle anayasa suçu. Haklarında cumhuriyet başsavcılıklarının başlattıkları süreçler var. Bu konular takip edilmeli. Parti kapatma olayı gündeme dahi gelmemeli. Ama suçu irtikap eden milletvekili, belediye başkanı veya başkaları olabilir. Bunlar bunun bedelini ödemek durumundadır. Diyarbakır ve Ankara başsavcılıklarının başlattığı soruşturmaları da bu çerçevede değerlendirmek lazım. Dokunulmazlıklarının kaldırılması suretiyle başlayacak süreç, inanıyorum ki terörle mücadele açısından ülkemizdeki havayı da olumlu yönde etkileyecektir. Ülkeyi parçalayıp bölmeye yönelik mesajları kabul etmemiz mümkün değil. Devlet içinde devleti kabul etmemiz asla mümkün değil. Bunlara karşı gerekli cevabın verilmesi, müeyyide uygulanması, yargı mekanizmasının devreye girmesi suretiyle atılması gereken adımlar var. Meclis’te 160’ı aşkın dosyaları var. Bunlar gözden geçirildiği zaman neyi kapsıyor, masaya yatırılacak ve ona göre adım atılacaktır .”) 50 .     On 12 January 2016, at a meeting of his party’s group within the National Assembl